Lit to add

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Bishin, Benjamin G., Thomas J. Hayes, Matthew B. Incantalupo, and Charles Anthony Smith. FirstView 2021. "Immigration and public opinion: Will backlash impede immigrants’ policy progress?" SSQ

[Tyhcass]

Valentino, N. A., Soroka, S. N., Iyengar, S., Aalberg, T., Duch, R., Fraile, M., ... & Kobayashi, T. (2019). Economic and cultural drivers of immigrant support worldwide. British Journal of Political Science, 49(4), 1201-1226.

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Super-interesting and well done study @article{Dancygier2022, author = {Dancygier, Rafaela and Egami, Naoki and Jamal, Amaney and Rischke, Ramona}, journal = {American Journal of Political Science}, month = {04}, number = {2}, pages = {501-515}, title = {Hate Crimes and Gender Imbalances: Fears over Mate Competition and Violence against Refugees}, volume = {66}, year = {2022}} https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12595

[Tyhcass]

Lancaster, C. M. (2022). Value shift: immigration attitudes and the sociocultural divide. British Journal of Political Science, 52(1), 1-20.
Could be a useful one. In its abstract, "The combination of gender egalitarianism and anti-immigrant sentiment may become increasingly common as acceptance of the former spreads, while immigration remains a hotly contested issue."

[Tyhcass]

Brooke, S., Chouhoud, Y., & Hoffman, M. (2022). The Friday effect: How communal religious practice heightens exclusionary attitudes. British Journal of Political Science, 1-18. For both immigration and religiosity.

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Flores, René D, and Ariel Azar, Who are the “Immigrants”?: How Whites’ Diverse Perceptions of Immigrants Shape Their Attitudes, Social Forces, 2022

Abstract Past scholars find that there is a public consensus in the United States on the traits of ideal immigrants. Nevertheless, is there also a consensus on the perceived traits of actual immigrants living in the country? Further, are these perceptions attitudinally consequential? We find no consensus among whites on the composition of the immigrant population in the United States. Further, the immigrant traits they perceive are correlated in specific stereotypical patterns we label “immigrant archetypes.” Using latent class analysis, we find five archetypes. Two of them are extreme—one represents a high-status, documented non-Latino immigrant, which is associated with the most positive immigration attitudes. The other extreme represents a low-status, undocumented Latino man, which is associated with the most restrictionist immigration views. Nevertheless, a second Latino archetype, a better-educated and documented Latina woman working to support her family, is correlated with more positive attitudes than her male counterpart. Archetypes do not seem entirely rooted in objective reality and are stronger predictors of immigration attitudes than most other independent variables. Their existence has significant implications for public opinion dynamics. When researchers, politicians, or journalists reference a single immigrant trait, they may knowingly or unknowingly conjure up entire archetypes in people’s minds.

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Kustov, Alexander. FirstView 2022. "Do Anti-immigration Voters Care More? Documenting the Issue Importance Asymmetry of Immigration Attitudes." British Journal of Political Science, 1-10.

Why do politicians and policymakers not prioritize pro-immigration reforms, even when public opinion on the issue is positive? This research note examines one previously overlooked explanation related to the systematically greater importance of immigration as a political issue among those who oppose it relative to those who support it. To provide a comprehensive empirical assessment of how personal immigration issue importance is related to policy preferences, I use the best available cross-national and longitudinal surveys from multiple immigrant-receiving contexts. I find that compared to pro-immigration voters, anti-immigration voters feel stronger about the issue and are more likely to consider it as both personally and nationally important. This finding holds across virtually all observed countries, years, and alternative survey measures of immigration preferences and their importance. Overall, these results suggest that public attitudes toward immigration exhibit a substantial issue importance asymmetry that systematically advantages anti-immigration causes when the issue is more contextually salient.

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Laaker D. Economic Shocks and the Development of Immigration Attitudes. British Journal of Political Science. 2024;54(1):220-240. doi:10.1017/S000712342300011X

How do immigration attitudes form? Drawing on the political socialization literature, I argue that growing up in a recession causes a lasting increase in anti-immigration attitudes. I delineate two mechanisms that emphasize the negative consequences of recessions for young workers and the anti-immigration narrative that often emerges during economic turmoil. Young adults are particularly vulnerable to these external shocks because they have minimal political experience and are developing their core political attitudes. Support is provided for this argument with evidence from the European Social Survey. An economic shock during young adulthood causes a significant increase in anti-immigration attitudes, a relationship not found for other ages. I find tentative evidence that growing up in a recession has a larger effect on the racial and cultural dimensions of immigration and causes a broader sociotropic response. Results highlight how economic crises affect the socialization of young adults and underscore their lasting political consequences.