Lit

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https://www.draliceevans.com/post/ten-thousand-years-of-patriarchy-1

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https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/european-political-science-review/article/gender-quotas-and-public-demand-for-increasing-womens-representation-in-politics-an-analysis-of-28-european-countries/034429D9CA39373E99A84D126B242399

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https://news.yahoo.com/women-south-korea-no-no-231433939.html @byngdeuk

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Iversen, T. and Rosenbluth, F. (2006) "The Political Economy of Gender: Explaining Cross-National Variation in the Gender Division of Labor and the Gender Voting Gap" American Journal of Political Science, 50(1):1–19.https://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/full/10.1111/j.1540-5907.2006.00166.x?casa_token=kRogwY9t2HIAAAAA%3AXxKgyASdYDLv8qJqwpkw9yuWsNgbSQLrlzNYtAIyPR81Uno0-ZDUx-1haGjZiXzLa2wcZTBRhKfYLlc

Paxton, P. (2000). Women’s suffrage in the measurement of democracy: Problems of operationalization. Studies in Comparative International Development, 35(3):92–111. https://link.springer.com/content/pdf/10.1007/BF02699767.pdf

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https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12575 "District Magnitude and Female Representation: Evidence from Argentina and Latin America" @article{Lucardi2022, author = {Lucardi, Adri{\'a}n and Micozzi, Juan Pablo}, date-added = {2022-04-22 15:37:30 -0500}, date-modified = {2022-04-22 15:39:16 -0500}, journal = {American Journal of Political Science}, month = {04}, number = {2}, pages = {318-336}, title = {District Magnitude and Female Representation: Evidence from Argentina and Latin America}, volume = {66}, year = {2022} bdsk-url-1 = {https://doi.org/10.1111/ajps.12575}}

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Maria Charles, Gender Attitudes in Africa: Liberal Egalitarianism Across 34 Countries, Social Forces, Volume 99, Issue 1, September 2020, Pages 86–125, https://doi.org/10.1093/sf/soz132 https://academic.oup.com/sf/article-abstract/99/1/86/5610103

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Shapiro, D., Gebreselassie, T. Marriage in Sub-Saharan Africa: Trends, Determinants, and Consequences. Popul Res Policy Rev 33, 229–255 (2014). https://doi.org/10.1007/s11113-013-9287-4 https://link.springer.com/article/10.1007/s11113-013-9287-4

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Gunderson, A., & Huber, L. (2022). Blue First and Foremost: Female Descriptive Representation, Rape, and the Justice Gap. Perspectives on Politics, 1-16. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537592722000974

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Castillo, I. (2022). Motivation Alignment, Historical Cleavages, and Women’s Suffrage in Latin America. Perspectives on Politics, 1-16. https://doi.org/10.1017/S1537592722000147

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@_alice_evans: IF quota women still lack the means to demonstrate their equal competence, then we should NOT expect a shift in gender ideologies. And that’s precisely what @marieeberry, @yolandebouka & Marilyn Muthoni Kamuru find in their fascinating study of Kenya...

https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/politics-and-gender/article/abs/implementing-inclusion-gender-quotas-inequality-and-backlash-in-kenya/BF23DC943EB0D5D3F3534DA2EDDB23E7

Senegal’s quota system is different: all parties are legally required to have gender parity. Quota women are thus not set up to fail. And under this institution, male politicians increasingly recognise women’s competence and status.

https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/journal-of-modern-african-studies/article/abs/gender-parity-and-the-symbolic-representation-of-women-in-senegal/F918EED394D971E7ED17CE3F6B4CB153

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More on this last point: Hwang, J. Housewife, “gold miss,” and equal: the evolution of educated women’s role in Asia and the U.S.. J Popul Econ 29, 529–570 (2016). https://doi.org/10.1007/s00148-015-0571-y

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“What Have We Learned About Gender From Candidate Choice Experiments? A Meta-analysis of 67 Factorial Survey Experiments” by Susanne Schwarz and Alexander Coppock, forthcoming in the Journal of Politics, April 2022.

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Pansardi P, Pedrazzani A. "Do (strong) gender quotas make a difference? Multiple candidacies as a party gatekeeping strategy in Italy." Party Politics. May 2022. doi:10.1177/13540688221091052

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https://www.draliceevans.com/post/iberia-s-backlash-against-religious-authoritarianism-and-rise-of-gender-equality

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Thread on gender (in)egalitarianism and violence: https://twitter.com/melander_erik/status/1530556505283604481?s=11&t=pOI8HizW5FjvjX4jMTqk_w

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Alexander, A., Bohigues, A., & Piscopo, J. M. (2022). Opening the Attitudinal Black Box: Three Dimensions of Latin American Elites’ Attitudes about Gender Equality. Political Research Quarterly, 0(0).

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Freidenberg, Flavia, Karolina Gilas, Sebastián Garrido de Sierra, and Camilo Saavedra Herrera. 2022. Women in Mexican Subnational Legislatures: From Descriptive to Substantive Representation Springer.

GitHub here also forked https://github.com/fsolt/from_des_to_subs_rep

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On Korea: Kweon, Yesola, & Ryan, Josh M. (2022). "Electoral Systems and the Substantive Representation of Marginalized Groups: Evidence from Women’s Issue Bills in South Korea." Political Research Quarterly, 75(4), 1065–1078.

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In U.S., sexist attacks on women in Democratic primaries actually cause backlash and so boost the female targets. In Republican primaries the attacks have little effect: Hayes, Danny, & Lawless, Jennifer L. (2022). "The Contingent Effects of Sexism in Primary Elections." Political Research Quarterly, 75(4), 1021–1036.

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Brannon, Elizabeth L. (2022). "The Appointment of Men as Representatives to the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women." Political Research Quarterly, 75(4), 1360–1373. The United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (CSW) was one of the first international bodies devoted to gender issues and has played a foundational role in the promotion of gender equality globally. In this article, I explore representational patterns at the CSW and question when and why states choose to send men representatives. Novel data shows that while the commission was composed entirely of women representatives in its early decades, men’s representation has steadily increased—reaching parity in 2000. This paper argues that appointment choice can be explained by domestic levels of women’s political empowerment [V-Dem]. The empirical results demonstrate a non-linear relationship between women’s political empowerment and appointment. States with higher levels of women’s political empowerment are more likely to appoint women representatives, until a threshold. At the highest levels of empowerment, states become again more likely to appoint men. I argue that this reflects a positive trend, in which men are taking a more active role in deconstructing pervasive gender inequalities. This paper has relevant implications for understandings of women’s representation in international institutions.

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Kopkin, Nolan, and Roberts, Andrew (2022). "Gender Gaps in Policy Responsiveness." Political Research Quarterly, 0(0). Gender gaps have been documented in numerous areas of American politics, but one area that has not yet been fully explored is responsiveness, the link between citizen preferences and public policies. Equal responsiveness to the preferences of citizens is a central aspect of democratic representation. This article extends work on income gaps in responsiveness to gender gaps. Specifically, it considers whether women’s preferences are less likely than men’s preferences to be adopted as policy in the US. It uses data on preferences and policy adoptions from 1981 to 2002 created by Gilens. The main finding is a large gender gap in responsiveness. The gap is similar in size to the one between rich and poor, it is particularly large in policies related to the use of force, and it did not narrow over the two decades studied. These results show that inequalities beyond social class deserve significant attention in the study of democratic responsiveness and that aspects of bias against women in politics remain underexplored.

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On gender quotas: https://www.comparativepoliticsnewsletter.org/wp-content/uploads/2022/12/APSA-CP_32_2_Dec_2022.pdf

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Christensen, H., Huttunen, J., Malmberg, F., & Silagadze, N. (2023). Unequal inequalities? How participatory inequalities affect democratic legitimacy. European Political Science Review, 15(1), 19-38. "The results show that citizens generally consider participatory inequalities to be important, but only gender inequalities affect subjective [democratic] legitimacy and usefulness. Hence it is important to consider the type of inequality to understand the implications."