d97hah
commented
1 year ago Thanks a lot, they'll be added for next version! H
Pada tanggal Jum, 31 Mar 2023 pukul 17.30 nidiah @.***> menulis:
I suggest the following references for the bibliography:
@article{citation-key, author={Gutiérrez, Analía}, title={Vowel-consonant metathesis in Nivaĉle}, journal={Canadian Journal of Linguistics/Revue canadienne de linguistique}, volume={65}, ISSN={0008-4131, 1710-1115}, url={https://www.cambridge.org/core/product/identifier/S0008413120000043/type/journal_article}, DOI={10.1017/cnj.2020.4}, abstractNote={Abstract Vowel-consonant metathesis is observed in a variety of contexts throughout the Nivaĉle (Mataguayan) grammar. It occurs in both verbal and nominal domains, characteristically resulting from the affixation of a consonant-initial suffix to a consonant-final stem. This paper provides an optimality theoretic account for vowel-consonant metathesis and vowel epenthesis in Nivaĉle. It is demonstrated that metathesis responds to phonological requirements; specifically, it serves to avoid marked structures in the language: complex codas, derived complex onsets, and bad syllable contacts. The prosodic analysis of syllable structure constraints aims to provide broad empirical coverage, as well as a coherent and integrated theoretical interpretation. , Résumé La métathèse voyelle-consonne a été observée dans divers contextes dans la grammaire du nivaclé (mataguayo). Elle se produit dans les domaines verbaux ainsi que dans les domaines nominaux, et est typiquement le résultat de l’affixation, à une base à consonne finale, d’un suffixe à consonne initiale. Cet article offre une analyse de la métathèse voyelle-consonne et de l’épenthèse vocalique en nivaclé, dans le cadre de la Théorie de l’optimalité. On démontre ici que la métathèse constitue une réponse aux contraintes phonologiques; spécifiquement, il sert à éviter l’émergence des structures marquées dans la langue: codas complexes, attaques complexes dérivées, et mauvais contacts entre syllabes. L’analyse prosodique des contraintes sur la structure syllabique vise à offrir une large couverture empirique, ainsi qu’une interprétation théorique à la fois intégrée et cohérente.}, number={2}, year={2020}, month={Jun}, pages={276–307}, glottolog_ref_id = {}, hhtype = {phonology}, inlg = {English [eng]}, lgcode = {Nivaclé [cag]}, macro_area = {South America} } @article{citation-key, author={Gutiérrez, Analía}, title={La palabra prosódica mínima en nivaĉle}, journal={Cuadernos de Lingüística de El Colegio de México}, volume={6}, rights={Derechos de autor 2019 Analía Gutiérrez}, ISSN={2007-736X}, url={https://cuadernoslinguistica.colmex.mx/index.php/cl/article/view/126}, DOI={10.24201/clecm.v6i1.126}, abstractNote={In many languages, there is a restriction on the minimum prosodic size of a word (McCarthy & Prince 1986). Further, the minimal content word of a language has been equated with the minimal foot allowed in that language. In this vein, certain languages require that every content word either contain at least two moras or two syllables. This minimality requirement corresponds to the claim that feet must be binary under moraic or syllabic analysis (McCarthy & Prince 1993: 90). Nivaĉle presents an interesting case study in this regard. Specifically, in Nivaĉle, what is found is that a CVC syllable can stand alone as a word. However, because in the present analysis it is argued that there is no independent prosodic evidence for coda consonants (other than /ʔ/) being moraic, a Nivaĉle CVC word does not meet the bimoraic constraint. Nor, clearly, does a CVC word meet the bisyllabic constraint. It is proposed nonetheless that CVC in Nivaĉle, despite being monomoraic and monosyllabic, constitutes a Minimal Word and functions also as a minimal well-formed foot.}, number={1}, year={2019}, month={Jul}, pages={1–69}, glottolog_ref_id = {}, hhtype = {phonology}, inlg = {Spanish [spa]}, lgcode = {Nivaclé [cag]}, macro_area = {South America} } @article{citation-key, author={Gutiérrez, Analía}, title={A Reanalysis of Nivaĉle k͡l and ɬ: Phonetic, Phonological, and Typological Evidence}, journal={International Journal of American Linguistics}, volume={85}, ISSN={0020-7071,1545-7001}, url={https://www.journals.uchicago.edu/doi/10.1086/700318}, DOI={10.1086/700318}, number={1}, year={2019}, month={Jan}, pages={45–74}, glottolog_ref_id = {}, hhtype = {phonology}, inlg = {English [eng]}, lgcode = {Nivaclé [cag]}, macro_area = {South America} } @article{citation-key, author={Gutiérrez, Analía}, title={The variable prosodic parsings of Nivaĉle glottal stop}, journal={LIAMES: Línguas Indígenas Americanas}, volume={16}, ISSN={2177-7160}, url={http://periodicos.sbu.unicamp.br/ojs/index.php/liames/article/view/8646180}, DOI={10.20396/liames.v16i2.8646180}, abstractNote={This paper establishes the featural and prosodic representations of the Nivaĉle (Mataguayan) glottal stop. On the one hand, it is proposed that the Nivaĉle glottal stop is unspecified for place features, but specified for constricted glottis ([c.g]). On the other hand, it is advanced that /ʔ/ is an independent consonantal phoneme in the language that has multiple prosodic parsings. First, a glottal stop can occur (contrastively) in syllable onset position. Second, a postvocalic glottal stop can be variably parsed to the vocalic Nucleus of the syllable and hence form part of a Complex Nucleus or to the coda position. As a result, two different manifestations of phonetic glottalized vowels are realized: creaky/rearticulated and vowelglottal coda, respectively. It is argued that these diverse glottal realizations are rooted in a set of prosodic constraints.}, number={2}, year={2016}, month={Dec}, pages={323–347}, glottolog_ref_id = {}, hhtype = {phonology}, inlg = {English [eng]}, lgcode = {Nivaclé [cag]}, macro_area = {South America} } @article{citation-key, author={Gutiérrez, Analía}, title={Evidential Determiners in Nivaĉle}, journal={Anthropological Linguistics}, volume={57}, ISSN={1944-6527}, url={https://muse.jhu.edu/article/632006}, DOI={10.1353/anl.2016.0011}, number={4}, year={2016}, pages={412–443}, glottolog_ref_id = {}, hhtype = {specific_feature}, inlg = {English [eng]}, lgcode = {Nivaclé [cag]}, macro_area = {South America} } @phdthesis{citation-key, author={Gutiérrez, Analía}, title={Segmental and prosodic complexity in Nivaĉle: laryngeals, laterals, and metathesis}, url={https://open.library.ubc.ca/soa/cIRcle/collections/ubctheses/24/items/1.0166445}, DOI={10.14288/1.0166445}, abstractNote={This dissertation investigates a series of phonological and phonetic aspects of Nivaĉle, a Mataguayan language spoken in the Argentinean and Paraguayan Chaco. The data is based on original fieldwork done by the author, with several Nivaĉle speakers in the communities of Uj’e Lhav}, school={University of British Columbia}, year={2015} glottolog_ref_id = {}, hhtype = {phonology}, inlg = {English [eng]}, lgcode = {Nivaclé [cag]}, macro_area = {South America} }
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I suggest the following references for the bibliography: